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Published as a cover story in Open magazine in the second week of April 2015
Also featured on The Huffington Post




‘He wanted to be able to tell someone of his suspicion that man had made their gods and not the other way around. He wanted to be able to say, it is man at the centre of things, not God. It is man at the heart and the bottom and the top, man at the front and the back and the side, man the angle and the devil, the miracle and the sin, man and always man, and let us henceforth have no other temples but those dedicated to mankind. This was his most unspeakable ambition: to found the religion of man.’

- Mughal Emperor Akbar, speaking through Salman Rushdie



My first brush with political deification was on the day ‘tiger’ became extinct. On November 17, 2012, Balasaheb Thackeray, then the Shiv Sena supremo who was nicknamed after the national animal, succumbed to a cardiac arrest. At the time, I was a cub reporter working with a Mumbai-based newspaper. It was a golden opportunity to cover news of such a magnitude.

Emotions were running high. Over the next few days, as I witnessed the politics and the chaos, I lost count of the number of times I heard of the departed leader being equated to a divine entity. “He was like our God,” countless people from all over the city and the state who I met the next day at his funeral told me.

While one might argue to the contrary, for someone with a front-row ticket to the events unfolding, all the indicators were well in place. Minutes after the announcement of his demise, I saw the sandwich seller near my office at Nariman Point, like all god-fearing men, pack up his wares and run for an ark to take him to safer havens. Towards the evening, shops and offices across the city were vacuumed clean of the atheists who dared to earn a livelihood.

In a matter of days, a memorial came up on the playground used to cremate Thackeray’s body. The Sena foot soldiers and sympathizers queued up with garlands, incense sticks and attended the bhajan programs held every evening. You couldn’t afford to be in two minds about Thackeray’s stature. For an agnostic, an obituary in the party mouthpiece Saamna was ready to help:

God had sent the Shiv Sena leader for the welfare of the world… Perhaps, the Gods found themselves in a crisis that he (Thackeray) was recalled to the heavens.’

To me, it was never difficult to accept him in the Hindu pantheon, crowded as it may be with over 330 million gods and goddesses. In the recent years, more were being added to the list to keep up with the demand anywaythe Visa temple in Hyderabad, the Aeroplane gurudwara in Jalandhar, the Bike temple in Rajasthan and the Dog temple in Karnataka, each of them catering to a distinct kind of mannat-asking devotees.

One of the earliest instances of the trend was the temple of the late MG Ramachandran in Tiruvallur, recalls social scientist Shiv Visvanathan. In the course of his career as an anthropologist, he has visited a number of such temples, including the one for MGR, the Tamil cinema superstar who played the role of Chief Minister off-screen for nearly 15 years. “On one occasion, MGR was having a cool drink and left it unfinished. The remains were sprinkled on the ground as holy water. Just like the woman who made the temple in his honour, there were others who thought of him as a holy man,” says Visvanathan. “In India, we often think of politicians as miracle-makers. To a certain extent, what we have is a form of hero worship. But it doesn’t last very long.”

Even among gods, there is a hierarchy. It can start with a stone with a dash of saffron, a sacred grove or the humble shrine of a holy man, and go all the way till the major-league players of Kedarnath and Tirupati. Some persist; others go out of circulation as soon as they stop drinking milk. Visvanathan says that the reason he finds it easy to see politicians find place among them is that the Hindu pantheon can be extraordinarily accommodating.

Others are less forgiving of the trend. Dalit-activist and political commentator Chandra Bhan Prasad sees a pattern in the personalities who have temples springing up in their name. “What I find strange is that nobody makes a temple for a politician who has fallen,” he says.

Prasad’s observation makes for a strong case. In 2008, when a Jodhpur-based priest proposed turning BJP leader Vasundhara Raje into Goddess Annapurna, she was the Chief Minister of Rajasthan. Two years later, a Vellore-based DMK worker declared his intention of exalting his party chief and then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu M Karunanidhi to divine status after he was apparently impressed by his “pro-poor welfare measures”. Recently, Samajwadi Party leader Azam Khan went on record to say that his party head and three-time Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, too, deserves a temple of his own.

“When you are making temples for such people, you stand to gain something in terms of public attention. It’s an exceptional form of greed,” says Prasad, “For instance, can you think of anyone wanting to make a temple for Manmohan Singh now?”

Prasad cites the example of the temple of ‘Goddess English’ that he is in the process of erecting in UP. It is dedicated to English education as a tool of empowerment for the masses. He makes a pitch for building new temples in honour of ideas instead of personalities. Borrowing from a BJP slogan, he says, “If you are to build one for Narendra Modi, why not make it a ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas’ temple?”

Oblivious to such suggestions, by the second week of February, a certain Shankarbhai Manubhai Patel, resident of Kothariya village in Rajkot, had distributed hundreds of invitation cards announcing the inauguration of this Modi temple that he had set up over the last few months. 40-year-old Patel, a leader of the BJP’s youth wing and a tea-seller, as Modi once was, had been worshipping a portrait of the Prime Minster at his residence for nearly nine years. He had reportedly spent Rs. 1.7 lakh on a statue made by a sculptor from Orissa.

It wasn’t long before the news caught the imagination of the national media. On the morning of 12 February, when Patel switched on his TV set, he realised that his god had taken to Twitter to say that he was ‘sad’ and ‘appalled’ to hear about the proposed temple in his honour. Patel was gobsmacked.

When powerful men are spurned, the efficiency of the damage control mechanism that swings into action is heart-warming. In the time it takes one to get nostalgic about the beloved buffaloes of Azam Khan, the local collector armed himself with evidence of the temple encroaching over a government land and instructed for its removal. Patel and his associates had little say in the matter. They tried anyway.

“We felt pained that we hurt sentiments of our ‘God’ (Modi) and after his displeasure we have covered his idol installed at the temple,” Ramesh Undhad, a part of the core group, told The Times of India. The rubble was dumped in the backyard of Patel’s house and the idol stashed away, far from the prying flashbulbs.


A poster of Swatch Bharat Abhiyaan, one of BJP government's pet initiatives, has come up near the place earlier marked for Modi's temple in Rajkot

 ***

Modi’s was not the first temple to a politician in India, nor was Patel the first to idolise him so literally. That crown goes to the Namo Namo Mandir in Uttar Pradesh where a member of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a religious right-wing organisation with close links to the BJP, has been worshipping an idol of Modi. While a number of proposed temples for politicians either lie abandoned or are in various stages of completion, it isn’t too difficult to find instances of temples to Sonia Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Mahatma Gandhi.

In the last two weeks of March, as I packed my bags, strapped on a camera and journeyed across five states to each of the shrines of the hallowed leaders, the ruminations of the Mughal emperor Akbar, as fed by Salman Rushdie in one of his works, kept coming back to me. There were several chronicles of such attempts made by man for his kind. I was simply the pilgrim.

           
Bharat Ratna in a Box:
Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh


The Mudgal family that stays opposite the Atal temple in Gwalior have taken it upon themselves to worship the former PM who lies unattended to in the small shrine for most part of the day


The man with a nuclear bomb to his credit cuts a lonely figure. In his box-shaped sanctum, separated from the street by an eight-foot wall, Atal Bihari Vajpayee is a postcard sized photograph with a pack of incense sticks for company. In his vicinity is Hindimata, the goddess of Hindi, housed in a temple of similar dimensions. A pulped sedan forms the backdrop of the premises.

The Vajpayee temple is located at Satyanarayan tekri in Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh. It came up 15 years ago, ostentatiously for the politician’s work for the cause of his mother tongue. A four-storied mall-like temple stands opposite Vajpayee’s, one that packs Lord Shiva, Vishnu and Krishna with their respective consorts within its walls. The keys to the Atal shrine lie with the priests of this temple.

“We do it because he has been the leader of the nation. We think he is a Brahmin like us, a senior leader, a son of Gwalior,” says Pramod Mudgal. His family adopted the shrine years ago, ever since they found that the priests in charge of it were doing little for its upkeep.

While the locals of the tekri are familiar with the temple, I see no visitors or passers-by take a moment for Vajpayee. As the blazing sun turns its knobs down, sitting in the courtyard of Mudgal’s residence, we discussed the apathy of the people, including that of the founder of the temple Vijay Singh Chauhan, an advocate in Gwalior high court.

“He comes once in several months. In the rains, he will come and go about a plantation drive. He does it every year but somehow, no tree comes up,” Mudgal chuckled. “But photographs will be clicked and they will appear in the newspapers.”

The same drill is followed on the birth anniversary of Vajpayee on 25th December. One such consequence published in the Hindi daily Dainik Bhaskar was what had become my point of reference in the days leading up to the visit.

Every evening, 14-year old Shubham Mudgal, a student of a local convent school, and his grandfather take turns to worship Vajpayee. Due to a tiff between the caretaker priests and the Mudgals, the gates are seldom open around the pooja time. Undeterred, Shubham, along with a cousin, scales the wall and places a diya and incense sticks in front of the deity.

The irony isn’t easy to dodge: the torchbearer of Hindi being worshipped by a student of English.


Advocate Vijay Singh Chauhan (R), the founder of the Vajpayee temple, at his office in Gwalior


I am to meet Chauhan the next day around noon. Two hours after our scheduled appointment, Chauhan saunters in wearing black robes, accompanied by a few clients and a friend clad in khaki. He orders tea and roasted gram for his patrons, and proceeds to rinse his mouth with tobacco. A few minutes later, he notices me tucked away in a corner.

Chauhan, 52, is president of the Uttar Rashtriya Abhibhashak Manch, an outfit that works—among other things—for the promotion of Hindi. Once a year, he hosts a small gathering within the Vajpayee temple premises, where invitees sing praises of Lord Rama through bhajans. He does not offer me any explanation for his adopted god lying ignored for the rest of the year, and instead, describes his ambitious plans of filing petitions to force the government to convert the temple into a tourist hotspot.

Like the temple’s de-facto priest, Chauhan says he doesn’t think of the leader as a god. “But a person who is a Prime Minister is not an ordinary man,” he says, “Any person who reaches that level is not ordinary. He has to be extraordinary.”

The structure and idol of the former Prime Minister cost Rs 5 lakh, the expenses borne by the Manch. But there were murmurs of protests about worshipping the idol of a living person, after which he claims to have immersed the idol in five rivers and journeyed from Gwalior to New Delhi on foot to gift it to the Prime Minister himself. 

“The whole country saw it. It was written about a lot,” he tells me. “A person out only for publicity wouldn’t work so hard.”


The Disciple of The Disciple:
Kaushambi, Uttar Pradesh


Since more than a year, every morning and evening, priest Brijendranath Mishra, who set up the Modi idol, has been worshipping Narendra Modi


After crossing the once dreaded ravines of Chambal, I wind up at Allahabad to find a lovelorn population that lay in store. Throughout the bumpy ride to Bhagwanpur, the buses and tempos played the one sentiment over the course of their playlist: that of the sanams turning out to be bewafaas. By the time I reached my destination – a village in 60 km away from Allahabad – I was a morose man conditioned to rue the cruelties of the fairer sex.

At a mobile store on its outskirts, I meet Chandrakant Dwivedi, a resident of the village. A jovial man in his early twenties, Dwivedi escorts me on his motorcycle to the door of Brijendranath Mishra, the priest of the local Namo Namo temple. Though acquainted with the family, Dwivedi shies away from greeting the Mishras.

“They don’t like me too much,” he tells me.

As I step off the dusty lanes into my host’s residence, his resemblance to Narendra Modi nearly made me halt in my tracks. Mishra’s beard is cropped to perfect imitation, the mat of his hair parting. He wears wearing a saffron gamcha over his saffron kurta that ended where a loose white dhoti took over. In the courtyard of his house stands a 300-year-old temple of Lord Shiva, known as a ‘Namo Namo Mandir’ ever since a statue of Narendra Modi came up in front of the lingam.

“It is a Shiv temple,” Mishra insisted, before citing one of his poems to buttress his argument: “Yeh Namo Namo mandir Shiv Shiv hai japta (This Namo Namo temple prays to lord Shiva).”  

Mishra sounds acutely aware that his theatrics had got him onto national television during last year’s General Election season. As I stroll around, he recites the numerous poems he has written as odes to Narendra Modi for the benefit of a visibly uninterested acquaintance, who buries his head in a newspaper. The poetry has familiar motifs: terror, Kashmir, the Ganga, the tricolour and soldiers posted on the frontlines. The bottomline: omnipotent Modi would save all.

After the failed Modi temple launch at Rajkot, a few television crews revisited Mishra and asked him if he was worried. “I told them, I did not make a Modi temple. There is a Modi idol and he is praying to Lord Shiva as a devotee,” he says. It was a suggestion by Shiva himself, who appeared in a dream of his, he adds.


The priest Brijendranath Mishra reciting a poem dedicated to Narendra Modi to an uninterested acquaintance


Towards the evening, Mishra calls upon some local VHP and BJP leaders to join him for prayers. Around six of us crowd into the temple’s sanctum sanctorum, and sit in a circle around the Shivling. I notice that the Modi idol, unlike the original incarnation, has been colour corrected to look more peachy, less wheatish. Decked in garlands of beads and plastic flowers, the idol wears a saffron waistcoat, a red cap and spectacles devoid of lenses.

Mishra bends on his haunches and lights a flame to begin his prayers to Lord Shiva. He leads from the front, blowing a conch and ringing a brass bell at suitable intervals. Five minutes into the Shiv aarti, the gathering arises and wraps it up with a resounding ‘Har Har Mahadev!’

And then it begins: a rendition of Modi Chalisa, written and composed by Mishra himself. ‘Tere naam ka poore desh mein danka hai baaja, Om Jai Modi Raja (Hail Modi, the ruler, he whose name has resounded across the country)’ echo the voices within the chamber. They clap and hail the Lord and His disciple.

The elevation of this god to the berth at the Centre has done little to change the quality of life in Bhagwanpur. The village still reels under 12-hour power cuts as it has been for years. There are barely any trace of tarmac on the local roads.

Every morning before Mishra begins his prayers, his sister-in-law who stays the next door enters the temple and places a diya before the idol. I ask her if there are any wishes she prays to Modi for fulfilment.

“Just that, may the nation prosper, may we get better and proper schools, hospitals, may our houses be in a better shape...”

Have any of those been realised?

“Not yet,” she says, “But we are still hopeful.”

Mishra isn’t too concerned about local infrastructure. His only aspiration is that the Prime Minister graces his temple and participates in a havan. Until then, he says, the rituals will continue.

The next day, a few hours before I leave for Allahabad, I stumble upon Dwivedi again. This time, he tells me why he thinks the priest does not like him.

“When they set up the Modi temple, I told them, ‘You can’t make gods out of humans. If you had set up the idols of your parents instead, it would have been a much tasteful affair’,” Dwivedi says. “After that day, I fell out of their favour.”
           

The Hindu temple of a Christian Goddess
Karimnagar, Telengana


Fifty year old maid Gauramma at the Sonia temple, the cleanliness of which assures a livelihood- reason why she regards the Congress president as a goddess



              For over a year now, Gauramma has been taking the same route from her house to the centre of Mallial village with a cleaning cloth and bucket of water. Around 9 am, she borrows the keys from a local shopkeeper and opens the wooden doors that reveal a marble idol of Sonia Gandhi, with high cheekbones and a double chin. After wiping the dust off the bust, it is the turn of the halo-shaped painting of Rajiv Gandhi that adorns the background.

Gauramma is born and raised in the village located 35 km away from Karimnagar, now in Telengana. She doesn’t know of the movement for statehood or Sonia Gandhi’s role in the formation of the new state. It’s only when I explain it to her, she says, that she understands why the temple is there. It’s something else, however, that makes her revere the Congress leader as a goddess.

“It is because of her that I get a regular wage,” she says. A hundred rupees every month.

It takes more than a day to reach Karimnagar from Allahabad. Outside the train windows, the landscape changes from vast stretches of fields to unkempt forests once you cross Chattisgarh. After a nightcap in the city, I board a bus Mallial, where at noon I met the local Congress mandal chief Rajeshwar Reddy met me at a tea stall a few feet away from the Sonia Gandhi temple.

By the second half of 2013, the Congress Working Committee, under Gandhi's leadership, had decided that Telangana—then a part of Andhra Pradesh—would be granted statehood. Once the news spread, party workers in Karimnagar decided to build her a temple in gratitude. With the local body ruled by a Congress sarpanch, Reddy’s wife, it was a mere matter of time before government land was sanctioned for its construction. A custom-made marble bust that cost Rs 2.5 lakh was brought in from Rajasthan, and on 2 June 2014, the formation day of Telangana, the temple was thrown open to the public. Ponnam Prabhakar, the district’s Member of Parliament, also announced a plan of building such temples in every assembly segment.


The Sonia Gandhi temple (extreme right) at Mallial village in Karimnagar district


On my visit to the temple, I notice that except for the paintings of Rahul Gandhi and Indira Gandhi on the side walls, there’s little else in the enclosure. Reddy assures me that for Telangana’s people, Sonia Gandhi is akin to a goddess—only, not one you pray to. There is no priest at the temple, and while the doors are kept open for a couple of hours every evening, no rituals are performed.

 “Nobody can do an aarti to a lively human. That is not correct,” Reddy told me. I ask him if it will be okay after her demise.

“Then it will be compulsory. A must,” he said.

Next, I meet Suresh Dumma, the artist who painted the portrait of Rahul Gandhi on one of the walls, at his shop right opposite the temple. “There is nothing temple-like about it,” he says. “The only people who come here are the local Congressmen.”

That evening, while talking to Prabhakar at his office in Karimnagar, I bring up the criticism I had heard. “It is our way of thanking her. We are not cheating anyone. Whenever we pass the village, we salute her and then go ahead,” he says.

Yet, I want to know if the temple has been put up in gratitude for Telangana, what explains the other Gandhi family members inside? What do they think Rahul Gandhi’s role was in the attainment of statehood?

 “If Rahul Gandhi wasn’t in the loop, only Sonia Gandhi [alone] would not have taken the decision,” says Prabhakar. “He is our young leader.”

And Indira Gandhi?

“She is our Congress leader, she was our PM...”

“That makes it seem like a monument for the Congress. “

After evading a direct answer for some more time, Prabhakar finally says in exasperation, “We made the temple out of our own accord. We have the right to make a portrait of Rahul Gandhi. It doesn’t matter if people come to the temple or not... Yes, it has a photo of Nehru, of Rahul Gandhi of Indira Gandhi. And they will stay.”
           

A Shrine for the Mahatma
Sambalpur, Orissa

 
Kaliya Bag, the head priest of the Gandhi temple, a member of the Harijan community, standing outside of the temple on the day I visited. Local customs had made him "untouchable" for a day

Our bodies are the real temples rather than buildings of stone. The best place for congregational worship is in the open with the sky as the canopy and mother earth below for the floor.

-          The Mind of the Mahatma: Encyclopaedia of Gandhi’s Thoughts

When he wrote those lines, it had been years since Gandhi had visited a temple. He did not have anything against idolatry or places of religious worship, though, so long as it steered clear of superstition.

I have no way of knowing if these words escaped Abhimanyu Kumar in 1971, the year he became an MLA from Sambalpur district in Orissa and started work on deifying the Father of the Nation. Now 91 years old, Kumar is too weak to hear, speak or confirm as much. The temple he had built is a structure of stone, with its portico, shikhar and padlocked doors separating the deity from the masses. Responsibility for it has been passed over to his son Pramod Ranjan Kumar, a farmer and businessman.

At a distance of 10 km from the city, the Gandhi temple is located in Harijanpada, an all-Dalit colony that’s home to about 250 families. The former MLA was born here and was witness to numerous atrocities committed by ‘upper castes’. Back in those days, Dalits were banned from entering temples in several parts of India. In 1943, when Kumar was still in his teens, Gandhi held a general meeting at Sambalpur. According to Pramod, his father had attended it and was immensely inspired. It was then that he decided to build an all-caste, all-religion temple dedicated to Gandhi.

“Once the temple was completed in 1974, he appointed a priest from the Harijan community to conduct the rituals,” says Pramod Kumar. At the insistence of his elders, Kaliya Bag, a peon at a local women’s college, took up the responsibility. He had no prior experience in conducting rituals and so he got himself a how-to book on Hindu worship and taught himself how to be a priest. Four decades since his self-education, the 79-year-old still  performs his duties.


Perhaps as a tribute to the Mahatma, those who keep him company in the inner sanctum transcend the barriers of caste, language and ideology
 
Perhaps as a fitting tribute to the Mahatma, the people who keep him company in the inner sanctum transcend the barriers of caste, language and ideology. Next to the brass statue of the Mahatma, there hangs a portrait of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, Subhash Chandra Bose, Swami Vivekananda, even Indira Gandhi. At the feet of the Mahatma’s statue, there is the usual paraphernalia of flowers, kalash, bell and a copy of the Bhagwad Gita.

A soft-spoken Kumar solemnly nods when I tell him about my pilgrimage. Without offering any comments on the other temples, he says that he doesn’t see the Mahatma temple as an exception to the conventional idea of worship.

“See, like there is Lord Krishna or Rama… nobody has seen them. We make temples in their name based on the Shastras and their lore. After a hundred years, there won’t be anyone left who has seen Gandhi. He, too, will then be considered a god,” he says.

That evening, Bag does not conduct the rituals. Taking his place is a dhoti-clad man in his mid-thirties. He seems inexperienced, and frequently turns to look at Bag for approval, who stands on the front steps of the temple, guiding him on how to go about it. Throughout the hour, which also features a reading from the Bhagwad Gita, Bag continues to man the entrance, his hands folded in reverence. Then it is time for the recital of Raghupati Raghav Raja Ram, the hallmark of Gandhi’s prayer meetings.

As I watch Bag recite the bhajan under his breath, his voice drowned out by the enthusiastic children in the portico, I recall a conversation Kumar was having with a local earlier, informing him of the arrival of a newborn in Bag’s household.

“...so he won’t be coming to the temple today,” Kumar had said.

“Why?” I had asked.
           
It was time for a lesson in cultural intelligence: whenever a child is born in the family, restrictions are placed on all members of the family. Until the umbilical stump falls off, one cannot—among other things—visit a temple. In the words of Kumar: “For now, he has become an untouchable.”
           


Edited copy of this article was published in the OPEN Magazine, Dec 25-31, 2013 edition


Read the article here




From Bharuch, Gujarat:


“There is going to be a speech,” observed one of the three youths outside the mosque doors, leaning against his Hero Honda. In lane adjacent to the mosque, plastic chairs were being arranged in two rows facing each other. The youth stole a look at the tea that the local vendor had sponsored for the gathering, gulping it down in one swift motion from what looked like a thimble-sized cup. Though unsure of why the village square was abuzz, the trio hung back.

The evening on December 2 wasn’t typical of Nabipur, a village in Bharuch district of Gujarat. The fleeting chill of November had receded for a brief while, gearing up for a much stronger return. As people emerged out of the mosque after their last namaaz for the day, few made way for their homes. They waited in clumps of twos and threes in the narrow alleys around the mosque, the bigger of the two in the hamlet with a Muslim majority.

At the heart of the hubbub, Haji Dilawar Yakub, resident of Bharuch city, readied himself for the much-rehearsed speech. Even as he smiled through the empty courtesies with the village elders, 48-year-old Dilawar was painfully conscious of the fact that the word of the event hadn’t knocked many doors. It was one of the meetings that were hastily put together on the last minute, a let-down after the previous day when a crowd of over 2,000 had gathered at Valan village chowk.

At around 8.20 pm, his associate Ibrahim Baji took to the narrow space between the rows of chairs and cleared his throat. Slowly, a hush enveloped the crowd consisting of a hundred odd men to accommodate Baji’s sombre address. A woman in a hijab emerged along with her daughter from the balcony overlooking the street. Mohalla shopkeepers peered from between the curtains of shampoo sachets and chips’ packets or leaned over their counter for a better view. As the adults stood in rapt attention, their children grew increasingly restless and started shifting weight from one foot to the other.

“Friends, we know of what happened in Sansrod village on Eid,” said Ibrahim, referring to the communal scuffles triggered by an episode of cow slaughter in the village 13 kilometres down the highway that links the two villages. “We are here to ensure that such incidents don’t happen again.”

A day after the incident, every newspaper had carried reports of a violent mob clashing with an armed police. The reports had seared disturbing images in Dilawar’s mind. Unable to quell his unease, he had rung up some of his friends and acquaintances who decided to examine the tensions at its source. At Sansrod, an eerie silence waited for them the next day. Policemen stalked the streets, knocking on every door, demanding answers and explanations. Several men had fled the village, they were told, and their wives and children were refusing to open doors.

“There is a chapter in Macbeth,” Dilawar told me later, referring to the Shakespearean tragedy. 
“It’s called ‘Coming Events Cast their Shadows Before’. In the days leading to Eid, I had felt increasingly anxious at the reports of Muslims transporting cattle getting harassed by gaurakshaks (cow-protectors). After coming back to Bharuch, we decided that there was only one way to end the constant harassment.” On October 26, after numerous discussions and deliberations, they formed Gau Hifazat Samiti with Dilawar at the helm. Ever since, they have been hopping villages and educating people about the consequences of cow slaughter. The 15 person strong team consists entirely of Muslims, the community frequently chastised for indulgence in cow slaughter for religious reasons.

From their first ever session in Pariej village of Bharuch, the members have come a long way. In their 37th session in Nabipur, it was Baji who went first, introducing himself and the fellow members of the committee: Mushtaq Gaurji, Maulvi Lukman Bhutia and the President of the committee. Theirs was a one point agenda, he said – to promote religious harmony and peaceful coexistence between both Hindus and Muslims.

“You cannot please Allah by hurting those around you. Hindus consider cow a holy animal. Even if we don’t sacrifice a cow, we have alternatives in goats and buffaloes. All we say is, don’t eat, don’t sell and don’t slaughter,” said Dilawar as he wrapped up the meeting after about 50 minutes. “Now I would like to know what you think about this.”  


***


This collage of pictures, claimed to have been taken after the Sansrod incident, is made by DeshGujarat.com. The website, in turn, claims to have taken these images from a local Gujarati newspaper


Two months earlier, on the morning of October 16, a loudspeaker mounted on the top of a minaret in Sansrod sprang to life. The clerics of the only mosque in the village in Vadodara district had begun their Eid-ul-Adha prayers. Being a Muslim dominated village, the festive vibe was all-pervading. The residents, decked up in their finest clothes, were gearing up for the traditional meat feast. Not far from the mosque, off the mouth of the lane leading to Sansrod, a slaughter house was getting ready for ‘qurbani’, the ritual sacrifice in commemoration of Prophet Ibrahim's own.

Roughly 20 kilometres from Sansrod, in a part of Karjan taluka, the situation was more frenzied. In the courtyard of the local police station, about 40 policemen were readying themselves for a raid. Out came the jeeps and out came the lathis. Soon, two teams led by with 24 armed men were cruising down National Highway 8 in the direction of Sansrod. Tailing those vehicles was Jatin Vyas, a self-appointed gorakhsak (cow protector) and a part of the religious organization Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP).

The team reached the village around 9.30 am. The policemen marched straight to the slaughterhouse. They didn’t have to look too hard for what they were tipped off about. At the entrance lay carcasses of two calves, entrails et al, blood-soaked soil bearing testimony to a violation of the state law banning cow slaughter. The men went straight in and took the guilty butchers into custody.

What followed, according to newspaper reports, was a livid mob had clashed with the cops, six of whom were injured even as one of the vehicles was torched. At the end of the mayhem, 125 villagers were booked for rioting and 76 cows, as it was claimed, were rescued. The village was combed for the next couple of days for troublemakers. In the official version of events, the defiance of locals would appear to be the cause of violence.

Narratives differ depending on who you speak to. Karjan circle police inspector (CPI) Sudarshansingh Vala told me that the police took utmost caution not to injure anyone even as the villagers attacked them with ploughs and swords. However, consensus can be established among all quarters till the point the policemen took butchers into custody.

“Things soured when the mob spotted Vyas,” said Abdul Quiyum. The slight, elderly Quiyum, known as ‘Masterji’ in his part of town, is the general secretary of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, a religious organisation that works towards the welfare of Muslims. Sansrod is bang opposite Palej, the town he lives in.

“When the police reached the slaughterhouse, the policemen dragged the butchers out and rained lathis on them. At this time, a few villagers who were returning to their houses happened to see this. They moved closer to take a stock of the situation. The police doled out a few blows to them too,” said Quiyum. As the tempers flared, an alert villager from Sansrod informed Quiyum. Within minutes, he had kicked his motorcycle to life and rushed to the village.

That cows were slaughtered was nothing new for the villagers, claims Quiyum. But when the police started beating the civilians, it had an instant alienating effect. Word spread that the policemen were roughing up even the innocents. Eid celebration was replaced by simmering anger and a mob gathered at the place. With the sensitivity of a troll, the police lobbed tear gas shells to disperse the mob. But the situation was already out of hand. The mob had realized who had orchestrated the raid.

“A few days earlier, Vyas had himself sold about 160 cows to the butchers. People know of his reputation. That’s the strategy among gorakshaks – to make money and target Muslims at the same time. On one hand, he makes deals sitting in an auto on the highway and then comes to ruin our festival citing cow slaughter,” Quiyum echoed the sentiment fuming in the air.

The folder he had handed me contained numerous letters he has written to various governmental authorities and law-enforcing agencies of the state and the Centre. The letters are rife with incidents quoting the harassment of Muslims on the pretext of cow slaughter, the involvement of gorakshaks and Hindu right-wing organizations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal in promoting cow slaughter. 


***


Time and again, the practice of cow slaughter has been used to rake up communal sentiments across India. The appeal transcends class and caste barriers, instantly leading to formation of two warring factions: vulnerable Hindus vs anti-social elements, implying, in more cases than not, Muslims. Now eyeing the Prime Ministerial post, the reigning CM of Gujarat Narendra Modi has frequently revisited the issue over the years. Whether it is BJP rallies in Mangalore in May, Nandgaon of Rajasthan and Khandwa of Madhya Pradesh in November or his home-base Gandhinagar in February, the battle-cries ring similar: of Congress (a party frequently accused of minority appeasement by BJP) promoting ‘pink revolution’.

For Modi, it’s only ideological homecoming. When it comes to crusading against cow slaughter, Gujarat has always had a chip on its shoulder. Right from 1954, the state has had a complete ban on the slaughter of cow and its progeny under Gujarat Animal Preservation Act. In August 2011, members of Maldhari community staged massive protests on the grounds of illegal cow slaughter taking place across the state. An indigenous tribe in Gujarat, Maldharis – literally, ‘owners of livestock’ – had then alleged that the culling took place in cahoots with the police. After two months of relentless agitations, the Act was amended in October to include a ban on transportation of animals for slaughter. A six month jail term was increased to seven years and the fine was increased by fifty times up to Rs. 50,000, applicable as per the gravity of offence. This, in spite of beef being the largest consumed meat in India, as a study conducted by United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation shows.

In spite of the law giving more teeth to the administration, it had little impact on the incidents of cow slaughter. “Nobody is really interested in cow protection,” Ram Puniyani, a prominent human rights activist, told me over the phone in early December. “Organizations like VHP and Bajrang Dal try to extort money in the name of go-raksha. When the law was passed, religion was only used as a pretext. There were a range of political and economic reasons behind it. In fact, Gujarat hasn’t showed any reduction in incidents of cow slaughter than any other Indian state.”

Puniyani, who has extensively researched and written about the issue, said that there have also been instances where dead cows have been picked up and Muslims have been accused of bovicide. Often, polarisation is done through word-of-mouth propaganda or through pamphlets. 

“It’s a case of vote-bank politics. Most of the gaushalas (cow shelters) across the country are ill-equipped. A person running a gaushala once told me how several of such shelters themselves give away the cows they cannot accommodate. But the communal forces only target Muslims. As a result, they are always on the defensive,” he said.


A scrap dealer by profession, Jatin Vyas comes with a chequered past. Accused in a couple of cases of extortion and kidnapping, he is best known among those I spoke to in context of a similar high-profile incident of cow slaughter. Back then, the place was Tankaria and the year 2002; three days shy of Godhra riots. The common thread in both occasions: Vyas had acted on the eve of Eid.

“Before you ask me anything, tell me, are you going to take a positive angle or negative angle?” Vyas asked me over the phone in the third week of November. I had only introduced myself and the scope of the article. “I ask because people speak to butchers and print wrong things,” he said, citing a regional newspaper that is known to do so.

Based in Vadodara, Vyas has been active in the field since past 15 years. Gaurakhsa is a voluntary activity without any legal recognized or an umbrella organization, though many of them hail from right-wing groups like VHP and Bajrang Dal. Vyas calls their actions as those done out of goodness of heart. Most of the vehicles carrying animals come from Rajasthan. Ergo, most of the crackdowns take place on the highways along the state border. It’s a common practice among the volunteers to inform the police about the leads they get and accompany them to the spot, claims Vyas. This is ostentatiously done so that the rescued animals can be escorted to animal shelters, locally called panjrapols. Vyas refused to discuss his informers, referring those who had given him the heads up in Sansrod as, “They were just some nice Muslims from Sansrod.”

“The police stop the trucks we have been informed about. Almost always, we find that there are some 20-40 cows stacked together in these vehicles.”

“But how do you know they are being carried for slaughter?”

“But this is still a case of animal cruelty. Then we ask the drivers if they are taking them to qatalkhana (slaughterhouse). They say, yes. That’s how we know.”

I expressed my disbelief at the simplicity of the exercise. “Try coming to the field and you will know,” he replied.

Vyas denied any possibility of their being any racket with police, cow shelters and gaurakshaks being hand-in-glove, calling it a tactic of maligning those working for the cause. “There might be corruption in other areas but there just cannot be any when it comes to cows. A cow is a mother,” he reasoned.

For all his denials, numerous locals and activists say that the modus operandi of the racket is “common knowledge”, even if few efforts have been made so far to document it.

“I have received numerous complaints from activists about the gorakshaks being involved in such incidents. While the investigations are ongoing, the application has been filed based on hearsay. With Jatin Vyas, we are taking his criminal past into consideration,” DSP Sandip Singh, who manages the rural Vadodara, told me in December over the phone. He added that the complainants, however, didn't have any proofs to back their claims.

Singh has acted upon numerous cases of cow slaughter over the years. He stated that the number of cases filed about cow slaughter has showed significant decrease in the recent times. “One of the reasons that such incidents take place is the ignorance of the law. Those involved are mostly from the lower middle class. Their livelihood is based completely from such activities. So when there is a crackdown, they oppose it,” he said. Singh denied any knowledge of gorakshaks or cow-shelters being involved in facilitating the racket.


***




Haji Dilawar Yakub (centre), the President of Gau Hifazat Samiti, with his associates Lukman Bhuta (L) and Mehmoob Master (R)


Located on the banks of the river Narmada, Bharuch is the neighbouring district to Vadodara. The heavily industrialized city, famous for its salted peanuts, houses a population of over 4 lakh. Near the outskirts of the city, in nondescript building located at a particularly noisy railway intersection, Yakub runs his scaffolding business.

When I met him for the first time in the third week of November, he was waiting for me with four other members of the committee. His associates – middle aged men are mostly from the city and neighbouring villages – were all dressed in the traditional attire of skullcaps and kurta-pyjama in varying degrees of white. There are professionals, engaged in insurance companies, municipal schools and other jobs. They let Yakub do most of the talking, with a nod or a murmur of assent every now and then. An engineer by qualification, Yakub is visually impaired, although that does not keep him from reading and occasionally quoting a shayari or Shakespeare to make a point. 

“It’s no secret. In Gujarat, the ban on cow slaughter is only as effective as the liquor ban,” he said. 

“This issue remains pertinent because no matter which quarter supplies cows for slaughter, there is always a Muslim at the end of the supply chain. The community of butchers are almost all Muslims. Our religion regards beef of cow as halal (fit for consumption), so there is always a market among our community.”

The economics of owning cows and bullocks (from the cow family) has become knotty since the Green Revolution. The cattle-owing class has always been farmers who used cows for milk and bullocks for transport and tilling their lands. As tractors and trucks started intruding in the space traditionally held by animals, bullocks started getting redundant. Over time, slaughterhouses remained the only place raising a bullock would promise any returns.

Locals say there is more to the incidents of cow slaughter than blatant disregard of the law. In a visit to Panoli, 36-year-old farmer Hanif Haslot told me that it’s a simple case of economics. Muslims are under a religious obligation to sacrifice an animal for Eid. In Gujarat, the standard practice is to sacrifice a goat, a bullock or a buffalo. Since cow slaughter is outlawed, the demand for other animals shoots up, leading to shortage and high prices.

“During Eid, goat meat is available for Rs.400/kg. On the other hand, bullock and buffalo meat come at Rs. 120/kg. You have to pick between breaking the law of the state and breaking the codes of religion. It’s not always an easy choice,” said Haslot.

Panoli was one of the villages covered by the Samiti in the latter half of November. However, that session, like each of the 36 sessions held in various parts of Bharuch, Surat and Vadodara district, didn’t involve discussions about the racket or the economics. Nevertheless, the locals I spoke to were extremely suspicious about my intentions, hesitant to speak of what has always been said in whispers.

“Besides, that’s not the point of the sessions,” said Yakub. “The racket is an area of common knowledge but we don’t have any evidence to prove it. We tell people what they should do, what they shouldn’t and why it is for their own good.”

I asked if they have ever tried to make efforts to get any more evidence than verbal testimonies.

Yakub gave me a wry smile. “Mera munshi bhi qatil hai, kya faisla dega woh mujhe?


***



As Dilawar finished his address with an open ended invitation, the crowd burst into an enthusiastic applause. The sarpanch seated in the last row stood up. “If it happens, we will make sure that we call the police to take him away.” Another round of applause followed along with several murmurs of agreement, this time waking up the only person from the front row who hadn’t raised his hand.

A day after the session, we are at his office again discussing the previous night and the way ahead. I ask him about sentiments palpable in the audiences he addresses.“The main problem is that Muslims are still afraid,” he says, “those who aren’t guilty, even more so, for they fear they might be picked up for something that wasn’t their fault to begin with.”
“Every now and then, people walk up to us and congratulate us for the message we are trying to spread. Often, they come from neighbouring villages and want us to come to theirs. We tell them it’s not possible for us to visit each and every settlement. When we go to a place, we expect those in attendance to tell ten more people, till it becomes a movement and Gujarat becomes a model state.”