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Published in OPEN magazine in the first week of March 2015
Also featured on Huffington Post

The lane in an area known as 'Bangladesh' in Mota Fofalia, wherein four of the 11 arrested accused lived within shouting distance of each other


A portion of the wall painted black in the cabin has 19 names inscribed on it. It is a list of Jaydev Singh Vaghela's predecessors; those who occupied his chair since the second half of 2006. The tenures of sub-inspectors of Shinor police station, a taluka in Vadodara district of Gujarat, are dramatically short. While the rulebook allows them a maximum of three years, some barely last more than a month.

“That is the reputation of this thana,” Vaghela explained. “There is a lot of tough rope-walking to be done – politically. There isn’t a lot of crime in this area but when there is, it is a big one.”

He recalled a murder that had recently taken place in Chhota Udepur, a taluka located over 50 km east of Shinor, bordering Madhya Pradesh. It was a colourful tale featuring a man walking into the police station with a confession that would send the cops scouring for a headless body in the next hour. He cited another murder in his jurisdiction where the murderer surrendered by his own initiative, albeit in a less dramatic fashion.

“Try to understand the psychology of the criminals here,” said Vaghela. “Here, they won’t hide the evidence. They will take the head in their hand and march to the station.”

A resident of the same taluka, Vaghela has over seven years under his belt as an officer in Gujarat police. Six months in Shinor police station and he has already received his transfer orders. On the evening of February 11, he said that the reason I found him across the table was for want of a successor. As we leisurely chatted over a cup of tea, the 37-year-old told me the numerous transfers that had taken him all over Gujarat.

“So what is the biggest case you have worked upon?” I asked.

After a pregnant pause, he smiled and I knew. We had spent the last two hours discussing it.


THE TIPPING POINT

             Place: Bithli village. About 9 kilmetres from Shinor.

Large swathes of land in Shinor, home to cotton, sugarcane and other water-rich cultivation, owe its potency to the Narmada river. The landowners, almost entirely from the Patel community, live in clusters near the centre of the villages. The labourers, comprising of indigenous and migrants belonging to the the scheduled tribes (ST) – majority of them Vasavas, Bhils and Rathwas –, are scattered all over their land. The topography in the outskirts is dotted with rooms that are built to shelter the electricity connections of the tubewell beneath it. Most of these rooms, referred simply as kuan (a well), are used by migrant labourers as houses.


The topography of Shinor is dotted tubewells, referred to as kuan, that are used as houses by migrants

            Till a month ago, in one such kuan in the outskirts of Bithli, there lived a family of seven; a father, two sons and their wives, an infant and an uncle. It had barely been a few days that 18-year-old Rakshaben*, the newest addition to the family, had moved in with her husband Hitesh* (20). On the evening of January 17, the melodies of the bhajans that wafted to their household came from a bhandara (a religious function) that was being held at the local temple. As the darkness descended, the family lay themselves down for rest after a long day in the fields.

It started at 10.30 pm. Four men, their faces covered with scarves and armed with a chopper, showed up at the doorstep and woke up the sleeping father and his brother, asking them to open the door. They didn’t have to; the latches of the house weren’t in place. The intruders barged in, rousing the two couples and a sleeping infant who launched himself into a terrified wail. Three more men emerged out of the shadows.

“At first, they said, ‘Take everything’,” Rakshaben told me in the second week of February, her voice betraying no emotion. When her husband resisted, the frail 20-year-old was thrown out of the house. He took his chance and sprinted towards his landlord’s residence. Meanwhile, the family meekly handed over their life savings: Rs. 750 in cash.

“Then they said,” Rakshaben continued steadily, “‘We want the women.’”

The men lunged forward and grabbed at the two women. They couldn’t get better of Rakshaben’s brother-in-law who wrapped his arms tightly around his wife and child, refusing to let go even as the men started beating him. Rakshaben was unprotected. As the family was hustled into a corner of the house, the four men lifted Rakshaben by her flailing limbs and made their way to the fields behind the house.

A panting, haggard Hitesh had meanwhile burst into his landlord’s house and alerted him about the robbery bid. Sanjaybhai Patel immediately dialled the police control room and the seemrakha Mushtaq Sindhi, a private guard who watches over the fields. About half an hour later, Hitesh was escorting officials, guards and village elders to his house to find his family locked in. The torn remains of Rakshaben’s clothes lay on a mud-path running along the periphery of the fields. The police instructed the locals to inform the residents of all the villages in the vicinity. 

Nearly half a kilometre away, deep in a camouflage of the banana plantations, a chilling scene was enfolding. “One had closed my eyes, one my ear, one had held my hands, one my legs,” said Rakshaben. “I could still hear the seemrakha calling out my name at a distance but they had the chopper on my throat. I was told, ‘Don’t scream or we will kill you.’”

As mentioned in her medical report, Rakshaben was raped for nearly two hours.

Around 2.30 am, the Bithli locals received a call from a neighbouring village informing them about a young girl who had been spotted. The entire brigade rushed to the spot and were told that the residents of the kuan who had spotted her, not knowing any better, had already shooed her away, assuming her to be a thief.

Out of desperation, Hitesh called out to his wife of 20 days. In response, faint sobs broke out from the surrounding fields. Clad in a shirt, jacket and a scarf wrapped around her waist, Rakshaben was shivering when they found her. Predictably, there was a barrage of questions now being tossed at her, none of which she could answer coherently in her state of mind.

“We thought, she might be in a trauma,” inspector AM Saiyad from Vadodara (Rural) crime branch told me.  “In the morning, I went to meet her again.”

From the conversation that morning, the cops had some vital leads. During the confrontation at the victims’ house, the scarves had slid down and the entire family had seen the accused. Once Rakshaben was abducted, as they dragged her to the fields, one of the kidnappers had used his cell phone to call his accomplice. Rakshaben told the cops that she had overheard him say, “Mahesh, come here.” It was the same dialect that the tribals spoke in. After the rape, they had lent her a shirt, a jacket and a scarf to cover herself with. Then they had split up. Four of them led her deeper in the fields. At a point, as they huddled around a dying fire for warmth, she spotted an opportune moment and quietly slipped away.

“We put our sources on the job. They got details of around 11 tribals with the name Mahesh in the surrounding villages,” said inspector Saiyad. A certain Mahesh Thakur Vasava, resident of the neighbouring Mota Fofalia village, hadn’t returned to his residence since the wee hours of January 18. The cops then conducted a background check and found a sex-worker that he once had relations with. According to the cops, she identified the jacket as Mahesh’s and told them about all of his friends. As Vaghela told me later with much relish, “Every man makes enemies.”

By January 21, on the basis of the information supplied to them by the sex-worker, they detained Mahesh from his sister’s place at the neighbouring village. They had also tracked down six of Mahesh’s friends to their residence in Mota Fofalia and Malpur villages, both in a 10 kilometre radius of Bithli.

The cops told me that Mahesh owned up to the crime and revealed the names of the other six. On the night of January 21, the cops, in a series of coordinated strikes, detained Nitesh Vasava (22), Mahesh Ramesh Vasava (20), Ranjit Vasava (19), Rajesh Vasava (23) and Ghanshyam Vasava (23) while they were sleeping at their residence. No explanations were offered to any of the families. The seventh accused, Chiman Tadvi, has been absconding ever since.



The temple of Mhaishasur, a local diety, where the seven accused allegedly gathered at the temple before they attacked their victim in Bithli


FOURTEENTH JEWEL

I was curious. In spite of having revealed their identities and left three pieces of clothes behind –substantial evidence by any standard – a criminal of limited means would try his utmost to dig himself a burrow to the other end of the earth. Here, the cops had managed to catch five of them as they lay on their beds with their families by their side.

“It wasn’t the first time [that they had raped someone]. Before this, they knew no fear,” said Vaghela.

There are certain techniques that are used during interrogation, he explained. When an accused is taken into custody, the only thing in his mind is to secure his own release. Enter the dangling carrot – tell us everything and we will let you off.

“But they won’t always tell us straightaway. For such cases, there is the chaudava ratan (the fourteenth jewel),” said Vaghela, using the euphemism for a stick. And confess they did. In the coming days, the cops spread the word: they had arrested a gang of serial rapists.

OPEN is in possession of the list of seven other rapes that were allegedly been committed by a gang of 13 men in last one year, none of which were reported to the police at the time. This list, I was told, is prepared on the basis of the confessions of those arrested. The accused are residents of Mota Fofalia and Malpur. Most of them work as farm labourers and are predominantly between 18-25 years of age. At the time this issue was going for print, ten accused had been arrested. Of the two people absconding, one is a 15-year-old.

According to the police, some of the accused stayed within shouting distance of one another. They got acquainted with the rest at wedding functions where they used to work as waiters for a local caterer. The gang would identify soft targets, those of limited means who stayed alone. They used to conduct a recce after identifying their target, zero in on the location and communicate to others with a not-so-cryptic ‘Aaj raid paadvaani che’, Gujarati for ‘Today, we have a raid.’ Over time, after their first few victims chose silence over lodging police complaints, they got emboldened.

The ‘confessions’ that the cops told me about are as disturbing as they are bizarre. In one of the incidents, the victim is a teacher at a local school who was returning home on a two-wheeler vehicle. Around 5 pm, one of them, lying in wait on the sidelines, jumped on the road and kicked the vehicle. As the vehicle and the rider skidded to a halt, she was dragged off the road, into the fields and raped by eight men. In another incident, two of them allegedly raped the wife of a factory owner at night right outside her house where she was sleeping.

When the ‘confessions’ came in, the police decided to take it upon themselves to track these victims down and get them to lodge an FIR. However, complainants were hard to come by even when discretion was promised.

“During this time, I went to meet a mother-daughter duo at Bithli who the accused had confessed about. But they told me that no such incident had happened, that they were only threatened. Then they said, ‘Please go away from here’,” said SI Vaghela.

While researching for this piece, the cops wouldn’t tell me the names or addresses of any of the victims who hadn’t lodged a formal complaint. They, however, maintained that all of them had been approached by the police or through unofficial but trustworthy channels.

By February 2, one of the victims, Daajiben*, had agreed to step up and lodge a complaint. Accordingly, four more, Yogesh Rawad (20), Jaswant Vasava (22), Gopal Vasava (33) and Alpesh Vasava (19), were arrested the next day.



The four accused caught by Vadodara police on February 3, 2015

56-year-old Daajiben* doesn’t remember her age. Her elder cousin, 60-year-old Kapilaben*, tells her that she is the younger one by nearly four years. Daajiben accepts it without protest just as she accepts her elder sister’s narration of what had happened to both of them that night. Neither of the two remembers the date of the incident. It was on a full moon night around the time of Diwali, they tell me.

That night, when the men flashed a torch on her face, Kapilaben could barely make out the outline of the two intruders. “Who are you? What happened?” she asked them. Without answering, the two men exited the hut and returned with five more.

“They were saying, ‘Come to the fields.’ I didn’t go, so then they dragged me off my bed and stripped me off my clothes. First there was one man, then another; around seven of them. If I tried to stand up, they would push me down and it would start again,” said Kapilaben. A chopper was pointed at Kapilaben’s throat. After they had had their turns, they went to Daajiben and proceeded to rape her.

Even after they left, the two women, mentally and physically traumatised, did not venture out of their house till the morning. They told their landlord and within a few hours, they were back to work on the fields.

“Why? Didn’t you tell him to do something?” I asked.

“He said no, don’t lodge any case,” said Daajiben.

“The Patel from Bithli took up the (Rakshaben’s) case. He (Bharatbhai) didn’t,” said Kapilaben. “Nobody knows us. Why would anyone take up our case [at the police station]?”

As per the FIR registered at Shinor Police Station, both cousins were raped twice each in a span of 10 days by nine rapists. I point out discrepancies vis-a-vis the narrative of the two victims. Both sides stick by the version of events. While the police maintain that the women had seen the rapists, the victims say that they had their faces covered. In the following days, some men came back to their huts, once to steal, another time to scatter their belongings, and on yet another occasion, to hang a dead snake on their door. It was at such times that they saw the men, the two tell me. In the identification parade conducted in February, assuming they were the ones who had barged into their house that full moon night, they identified the seven as their rapists.


Within days of being sexually assaulted, the two victims cousins abandoned their house and moved near the centre of the village. Pictured here is the spot where the house, similar to one in the background, stood for nearly twenty years


             THE GANG 

They are not sex addicts. They are not addicted to pornography. While they drank the local brew and smoked beedi occasionally, they don’t have any prominent affiliation to any intoxicant or psychotropic substances. None of them exhibit any discernable unusual behaviour. In fact, as inspector Saiyad told me, as far as such aspects are concerned, “they are totally normal.”

Why would they do it? Apparently, because they thought they could get away with it. At least, that’s what the cops conclude.

             I visited and spoke to the families of all the arrested accused at their residence. If there was one common thread binding most of the families, it was that of ignorance of their ward’s activities. But for one, none of the families knew much about their sons’ circle of friends, his day-to-day conduct and, in a few cases, the crime they had been arrested for. Their woes stemmed not out of their son’s arrest for his alleged involvement in multiple gang rapes but at the loss of an earning member in the family. It would be prudent to mention the other two threads binding them at this stage: lack of education and poverty.

The situation is especially stark in case of Mahesh Thakurbhai Vasava who, by all indicators, comes across as the ring-leader. His name crops up in all the eight rapes believed to have been committed by the gang. The family of four – Mahesh, his brother and parents – live in a hut in the outskirts of Mota Fofalia.

“I don’t know what he was up to. Sometimes, he came home late at night around 10 pm. At such times, he used to sleep outside,” Mangiben, the accused’s mother, told me.
Mangiben believes that her son is innocent although beyond maternal instincts, she has nothing to back her claims with. Her husband, on the other hand, is more pragmatic: “I don’t know,” he says when asked about his son’s alleged involvement in the series of sexual assaults.

             Gopal, son of Jayantibhai Vasava, a businessman who rents out mandaps at weddings, used to stay a few houses away from Mahesh. The family is of the belief that after facing corporal punishment, Mahesh gave the police the names of all of his eleven friends, thus leading to their immediate arrest without a shred of incriminatory evidence.

“They [friends and co-accused] used to serve at the weddings that Gopal was working at. But Gopal was always busy with his work,” said Jayantibhai. The family doesn’t remember the exact whereabouts of their son in the period during which Kapilaben and Daajiben were sexually assaulted.

There is, however, an exception to the trend. On February 3, the night his son Jaswant was arrested, Sukhdev Vasava spent the hours leading to the sunrise weeping on his front porch. At dawn, he accompanied his wife to tell his landlord about the events of the night. He then sent his wife back home. Around 10 am, the villagers found his dead body on one of the arterial roads of Mota Fofalia. He had committed suicide by consuming fertilizer.

Sukhdev is survived by his 59-year-old mother, two sons and wife, a cancer patient. When I met them in the last week of February, the women of the family told me that they hadn’t made any attempts to understand the details of the case against their son. Twice, they had visited the police station and every time, they returned both reassured as broken by Jaswant’s pleas of innocence.

As with every one of my visits, during the course of our conversation, we were joined in by their relatives, neighbours and a battery of curious onlookers. Their second son Manoj*, however, was missing from the crowd.

“What happened to Manoj?” I asked.

“He has gone to buy medicines for his mother. She suffers from cancer,” Sukhdev’s mother told me.

“He still lives here?” I asked, taken aback.

“Yes,” she said. “He should be back tomorrow morning with the medicines.”

I turned to the widow and noticed the cancerous lump on the side of her throat, until now covered by her saree. Her mother-in-law was wiping tears that were unleashed at the memory her son. I wondered if I should tell them that their 15-year-old was among the two people the Shinor police has marked ‘accused and absconding’.


 Sakhu Ramesh Vasava, mother of one of the accused Mahesh Ramesh Vasava, at her hut in Mota Fofalia


Edited copy of this article was published in the OPEN Magazine, Dec 25-31, 2013 edition


Read the article here




From Bharuch, Gujarat:


“There is going to be a speech,” observed one of the three youths outside the mosque doors, leaning against his Hero Honda. In lane adjacent to the mosque, plastic chairs were being arranged in two rows facing each other. The youth stole a look at the tea that the local vendor had sponsored for the gathering, gulping it down in one swift motion from what looked like a thimble-sized cup. Though unsure of why the village square was abuzz, the trio hung back.

The evening on December 2 wasn’t typical of Nabipur, a village in Bharuch district of Gujarat. The fleeting chill of November had receded for a brief while, gearing up for a much stronger return. As people emerged out of the mosque after their last namaaz for the day, few made way for their homes. They waited in clumps of twos and threes in the narrow alleys around the mosque, the bigger of the two in the hamlet with a Muslim majority.

At the heart of the hubbub, Haji Dilawar Yakub, resident of Bharuch city, readied himself for the much-rehearsed speech. Even as he smiled through the empty courtesies with the village elders, 48-year-old Dilawar was painfully conscious of the fact that the word of the event hadn’t knocked many doors. It was one of the meetings that were hastily put together on the last minute, a let-down after the previous day when a crowd of over 2,000 had gathered at Valan village chowk.

At around 8.20 pm, his associate Ibrahim Baji took to the narrow space between the rows of chairs and cleared his throat. Slowly, a hush enveloped the crowd consisting of a hundred odd men to accommodate Baji’s sombre address. A woman in a hijab emerged along with her daughter from the balcony overlooking the street. Mohalla shopkeepers peered from between the curtains of shampoo sachets and chips’ packets or leaned over their counter for a better view. As the adults stood in rapt attention, their children grew increasingly restless and started shifting weight from one foot to the other.

“Friends, we know of what happened in Sansrod village on Eid,” said Ibrahim, referring to the communal scuffles triggered by an episode of cow slaughter in the village 13 kilometres down the highway that links the two villages. “We are here to ensure that such incidents don’t happen again.”

A day after the incident, every newspaper had carried reports of a violent mob clashing with an armed police. The reports had seared disturbing images in Dilawar’s mind. Unable to quell his unease, he had rung up some of his friends and acquaintances who decided to examine the tensions at its source. At Sansrod, an eerie silence waited for them the next day. Policemen stalked the streets, knocking on every door, demanding answers and explanations. Several men had fled the village, they were told, and their wives and children were refusing to open doors.

“There is a chapter in Macbeth,” Dilawar told me later, referring to the Shakespearean tragedy. 
“It’s called ‘Coming Events Cast their Shadows Before’. In the days leading to Eid, I had felt increasingly anxious at the reports of Muslims transporting cattle getting harassed by gaurakshaks (cow-protectors). After coming back to Bharuch, we decided that there was only one way to end the constant harassment.” On October 26, after numerous discussions and deliberations, they formed Gau Hifazat Samiti with Dilawar at the helm. Ever since, they have been hopping villages and educating people about the consequences of cow slaughter. The 15 person strong team consists entirely of Muslims, the community frequently chastised for indulgence in cow slaughter for religious reasons.

From their first ever session in Pariej village of Bharuch, the members have come a long way. In their 37th session in Nabipur, it was Baji who went first, introducing himself and the fellow members of the committee: Mushtaq Gaurji, Maulvi Lukman Bhutia and the President of the committee. Theirs was a one point agenda, he said – to promote religious harmony and peaceful coexistence between both Hindus and Muslims.

“You cannot please Allah by hurting those around you. Hindus consider cow a holy animal. Even if we don’t sacrifice a cow, we have alternatives in goats and buffaloes. All we say is, don’t eat, don’t sell and don’t slaughter,” said Dilawar as he wrapped up the meeting after about 50 minutes. “Now I would like to know what you think about this.”  


***


This collage of pictures, claimed to have been taken after the Sansrod incident, is made by DeshGujarat.com. The website, in turn, claims to have taken these images from a local Gujarati newspaper


Two months earlier, on the morning of October 16, a loudspeaker mounted on the top of a minaret in Sansrod sprang to life. The clerics of the only mosque in the village in Vadodara district had begun their Eid-ul-Adha prayers. Being a Muslim dominated village, the festive vibe was all-pervading. The residents, decked up in their finest clothes, were gearing up for the traditional meat feast. Not far from the mosque, off the mouth of the lane leading to Sansrod, a slaughter house was getting ready for ‘qurbani’, the ritual sacrifice in commemoration of Prophet Ibrahim's own.

Roughly 20 kilometres from Sansrod, in a part of Karjan taluka, the situation was more frenzied. In the courtyard of the local police station, about 40 policemen were readying themselves for a raid. Out came the jeeps and out came the lathis. Soon, two teams led by with 24 armed men were cruising down National Highway 8 in the direction of Sansrod. Tailing those vehicles was Jatin Vyas, a self-appointed gorakhsak (cow protector) and a part of the religious organization Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP).

The team reached the village around 9.30 am. The policemen marched straight to the slaughterhouse. They didn’t have to look too hard for what they were tipped off about. At the entrance lay carcasses of two calves, entrails et al, blood-soaked soil bearing testimony to a violation of the state law banning cow slaughter. The men went straight in and took the guilty butchers into custody.

What followed, according to newspaper reports, was a livid mob had clashed with the cops, six of whom were injured even as one of the vehicles was torched. At the end of the mayhem, 125 villagers were booked for rioting and 76 cows, as it was claimed, were rescued. The village was combed for the next couple of days for troublemakers. In the official version of events, the defiance of locals would appear to be the cause of violence.

Narratives differ depending on who you speak to. Karjan circle police inspector (CPI) Sudarshansingh Vala told me that the police took utmost caution not to injure anyone even as the villagers attacked them with ploughs and swords. However, consensus can be established among all quarters till the point the policemen took butchers into custody.

“Things soured when the mob spotted Vyas,” said Abdul Quiyum. The slight, elderly Quiyum, known as ‘Masterji’ in his part of town, is the general secretary of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, a religious organisation that works towards the welfare of Muslims. Sansrod is bang opposite Palej, the town he lives in.

“When the police reached the slaughterhouse, the policemen dragged the butchers out and rained lathis on them. At this time, a few villagers who were returning to their houses happened to see this. They moved closer to take a stock of the situation. The police doled out a few blows to them too,” said Quiyum. As the tempers flared, an alert villager from Sansrod informed Quiyum. Within minutes, he had kicked his motorcycle to life and rushed to the village.

That cows were slaughtered was nothing new for the villagers, claims Quiyum. But when the police started beating the civilians, it had an instant alienating effect. Word spread that the policemen were roughing up even the innocents. Eid celebration was replaced by simmering anger and a mob gathered at the place. With the sensitivity of a troll, the police lobbed tear gas shells to disperse the mob. But the situation was already out of hand. The mob had realized who had orchestrated the raid.

“A few days earlier, Vyas had himself sold about 160 cows to the butchers. People know of his reputation. That’s the strategy among gorakshaks – to make money and target Muslims at the same time. On one hand, he makes deals sitting in an auto on the highway and then comes to ruin our festival citing cow slaughter,” Quiyum echoed the sentiment fuming in the air.

The folder he had handed me contained numerous letters he has written to various governmental authorities and law-enforcing agencies of the state and the Centre. The letters are rife with incidents quoting the harassment of Muslims on the pretext of cow slaughter, the involvement of gorakshaks and Hindu right-wing organizations like Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal in promoting cow slaughter. 


***


Time and again, the practice of cow slaughter has been used to rake up communal sentiments across India. The appeal transcends class and caste barriers, instantly leading to formation of two warring factions: vulnerable Hindus vs anti-social elements, implying, in more cases than not, Muslims. Now eyeing the Prime Ministerial post, the reigning CM of Gujarat Narendra Modi has frequently revisited the issue over the years. Whether it is BJP rallies in Mangalore in May, Nandgaon of Rajasthan and Khandwa of Madhya Pradesh in November or his home-base Gandhinagar in February, the battle-cries ring similar: of Congress (a party frequently accused of minority appeasement by BJP) promoting ‘pink revolution’.

For Modi, it’s only ideological homecoming. When it comes to crusading against cow slaughter, Gujarat has always had a chip on its shoulder. Right from 1954, the state has had a complete ban on the slaughter of cow and its progeny under Gujarat Animal Preservation Act. In August 2011, members of Maldhari community staged massive protests on the grounds of illegal cow slaughter taking place across the state. An indigenous tribe in Gujarat, Maldharis – literally, ‘owners of livestock’ – had then alleged that the culling took place in cahoots with the police. After two months of relentless agitations, the Act was amended in October to include a ban on transportation of animals for slaughter. A six month jail term was increased to seven years and the fine was increased by fifty times up to Rs. 50,000, applicable as per the gravity of offence. This, in spite of beef being the largest consumed meat in India, as a study conducted by United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation shows.

In spite of the law giving more teeth to the administration, it had little impact on the incidents of cow slaughter. “Nobody is really interested in cow protection,” Ram Puniyani, a prominent human rights activist, told me over the phone in early December. “Organizations like VHP and Bajrang Dal try to extort money in the name of go-raksha. When the law was passed, religion was only used as a pretext. There were a range of political and economic reasons behind it. In fact, Gujarat hasn’t showed any reduction in incidents of cow slaughter than any other Indian state.”

Puniyani, who has extensively researched and written about the issue, said that there have also been instances where dead cows have been picked up and Muslims have been accused of bovicide. Often, polarisation is done through word-of-mouth propaganda or through pamphlets. 

“It’s a case of vote-bank politics. Most of the gaushalas (cow shelters) across the country are ill-equipped. A person running a gaushala once told me how several of such shelters themselves give away the cows they cannot accommodate. But the communal forces only target Muslims. As a result, they are always on the defensive,” he said.


A scrap dealer by profession, Jatin Vyas comes with a chequered past. Accused in a couple of cases of extortion and kidnapping, he is best known among those I spoke to in context of a similar high-profile incident of cow slaughter. Back then, the place was Tankaria and the year 2002; three days shy of Godhra riots. The common thread in both occasions: Vyas had acted on the eve of Eid.

“Before you ask me anything, tell me, are you going to take a positive angle or negative angle?” Vyas asked me over the phone in the third week of November. I had only introduced myself and the scope of the article. “I ask because people speak to butchers and print wrong things,” he said, citing a regional newspaper that is known to do so.

Based in Vadodara, Vyas has been active in the field since past 15 years. Gaurakhsa is a voluntary activity without any legal recognized or an umbrella organization, though many of them hail from right-wing groups like VHP and Bajrang Dal. Vyas calls their actions as those done out of goodness of heart. Most of the vehicles carrying animals come from Rajasthan. Ergo, most of the crackdowns take place on the highways along the state border. It’s a common practice among the volunteers to inform the police about the leads they get and accompany them to the spot, claims Vyas. This is ostentatiously done so that the rescued animals can be escorted to animal shelters, locally called panjrapols. Vyas refused to discuss his informers, referring those who had given him the heads up in Sansrod as, “They were just some nice Muslims from Sansrod.”

“The police stop the trucks we have been informed about. Almost always, we find that there are some 20-40 cows stacked together in these vehicles.”

“But how do you know they are being carried for slaughter?”

“But this is still a case of animal cruelty. Then we ask the drivers if they are taking them to qatalkhana (slaughterhouse). They say, yes. That’s how we know.”

I expressed my disbelief at the simplicity of the exercise. “Try coming to the field and you will know,” he replied.

Vyas denied any possibility of their being any racket with police, cow shelters and gaurakshaks being hand-in-glove, calling it a tactic of maligning those working for the cause. “There might be corruption in other areas but there just cannot be any when it comes to cows. A cow is a mother,” he reasoned.

For all his denials, numerous locals and activists say that the modus operandi of the racket is “common knowledge”, even if few efforts have been made so far to document it.

“I have received numerous complaints from activists about the gorakshaks being involved in such incidents. While the investigations are ongoing, the application has been filed based on hearsay. With Jatin Vyas, we are taking his criminal past into consideration,” DSP Sandip Singh, who manages the rural Vadodara, told me in December over the phone. He added that the complainants, however, didn't have any proofs to back their claims.

Singh has acted upon numerous cases of cow slaughter over the years. He stated that the number of cases filed about cow slaughter has showed significant decrease in the recent times. “One of the reasons that such incidents take place is the ignorance of the law. Those involved are mostly from the lower middle class. Their livelihood is based completely from such activities. So when there is a crackdown, they oppose it,” he said. Singh denied any knowledge of gorakshaks or cow-shelters being involved in facilitating the racket.


***




Haji Dilawar Yakub (centre), the President of Gau Hifazat Samiti, with his associates Lukman Bhuta (L) and Mehmoob Master (R)


Located on the banks of the river Narmada, Bharuch is the neighbouring district to Vadodara. The heavily industrialized city, famous for its salted peanuts, houses a population of over 4 lakh. Near the outskirts of the city, in nondescript building located at a particularly noisy railway intersection, Yakub runs his scaffolding business.

When I met him for the first time in the third week of November, he was waiting for me with four other members of the committee. His associates – middle aged men are mostly from the city and neighbouring villages – were all dressed in the traditional attire of skullcaps and kurta-pyjama in varying degrees of white. There are professionals, engaged in insurance companies, municipal schools and other jobs. They let Yakub do most of the talking, with a nod or a murmur of assent every now and then. An engineer by qualification, Yakub is visually impaired, although that does not keep him from reading and occasionally quoting a shayari or Shakespeare to make a point. 

“It’s no secret. In Gujarat, the ban on cow slaughter is only as effective as the liquor ban,” he said. 

“This issue remains pertinent because no matter which quarter supplies cows for slaughter, there is always a Muslim at the end of the supply chain. The community of butchers are almost all Muslims. Our religion regards beef of cow as halal (fit for consumption), so there is always a market among our community.”

The economics of owning cows and bullocks (from the cow family) has become knotty since the Green Revolution. The cattle-owing class has always been farmers who used cows for milk and bullocks for transport and tilling their lands. As tractors and trucks started intruding in the space traditionally held by animals, bullocks started getting redundant. Over time, slaughterhouses remained the only place raising a bullock would promise any returns.

Locals say there is more to the incidents of cow slaughter than blatant disregard of the law. In a visit to Panoli, 36-year-old farmer Hanif Haslot told me that it’s a simple case of economics. Muslims are under a religious obligation to sacrifice an animal for Eid. In Gujarat, the standard practice is to sacrifice a goat, a bullock or a buffalo. Since cow slaughter is outlawed, the demand for other animals shoots up, leading to shortage and high prices.

“During Eid, goat meat is available for Rs.400/kg. On the other hand, bullock and buffalo meat come at Rs. 120/kg. You have to pick between breaking the law of the state and breaking the codes of religion. It’s not always an easy choice,” said Haslot.

Panoli was one of the villages covered by the Samiti in the latter half of November. However, that session, like each of the 36 sessions held in various parts of Bharuch, Surat and Vadodara district, didn’t involve discussions about the racket or the economics. Nevertheless, the locals I spoke to were extremely suspicious about my intentions, hesitant to speak of what has always been said in whispers.

“Besides, that’s not the point of the sessions,” said Yakub. “The racket is an area of common knowledge but we don’t have any evidence to prove it. We tell people what they should do, what they shouldn’t and why it is for their own good.”

I asked if they have ever tried to make efforts to get any more evidence than verbal testimonies.

Yakub gave me a wry smile. “Mera munshi bhi qatil hai, kya faisla dega woh mujhe?


***



As Dilawar finished his address with an open ended invitation, the crowd burst into an enthusiastic applause. The sarpanch seated in the last row stood up. “If it happens, we will make sure that we call the police to take him away.” Another round of applause followed along with several murmurs of agreement, this time waking up the only person from the front row who hadn’t raised his hand.

A day after the session, we are at his office again discussing the previous night and the way ahead. I ask him about sentiments palpable in the audiences he addresses.“The main problem is that Muslims are still afraid,” he says, “those who aren’t guilty, even more so, for they fear they might be picked up for something that wasn’t their fault to begin with.”
“Every now and then, people walk up to us and congratulate us for the message we are trying to spread. Often, they come from neighbouring villages and want us to come to theirs. We tell them it’s not possible for us to visit each and every settlement. When we go to a place, we expect those in attendance to tell ten more people, till it becomes a movement and Gujarat becomes a model state.”